George Mason University School of Law - Law
Competitive Enterprise Institute
George Mason University School of Law
George Mason University School of Law
John G. Searle Scholar
American Enterprise Institute
Johns Hopkins University
Constitutional Design; Thinking Legally
Johns Hopkins University
Boston College
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Competitive Enterprise Institute
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Center For Individual Rights
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Federal Preemption: States’ Powers
National Interests
ed.
Richard A. Epstein
When does federal law trump state law? The arcane topic of federal preemption has become the stuff of public debate and major news stories. The partisan lines are clearly drawn. On one side
consumer advocates
plaintiffs' attorneys
and state officials argue that broad federal preemption claims interfere with the states' historic police power to protect their citizens against corporate misconduct. On the other side
corporations and federal agencies maintain that preemption is a vital safeguard against unwarranted and inconsistent state interferences with the national economy and against aggressive trial lawyers and attorneys general.\n\nFierce struggles along these lines dominate the political debate
judicial decisions
and legal commentary in a wide range of regulatory arenas
from financial regulation to automobile safety; from clean air laws to the regulation of telecommunications
energy
and other network industries; from securities law to consumer products standards; from pharmaceutical drugs to pesticides to outboard motors. In all these areas
billions of dollars hang on regulatory nuances and arcane points of legal interpretation.\n\nThe preemption debate is also being waged in the shadow of broader
sometimes constitutional arguments concerning the role and utility of federalism and “states' rights” in a modern
highly mobile
integrated economy. Legal scholars are sharply divided over both the substance of those arguments and the extent to which they should dominate economic considerations or statutory language.\n\nWhat the preemption debate needs is an examination that reflects the delicate interplay between our constitutional structure and the details of specific regulations. In this book
Richard A. Epstein and Michael S. Greve
two leading scholars in the field of preemption
have assembled an exceptional group of prominent legal scholars and practicing attorneys for a probing analysis and spirited discussion of these difficult issues.
Federal Preemption: States’ Powers
National Interests
ed.
“Real” federalism
Michael S. Greve argues
is a federalism that promotes citizen choice and competition among the states. Far from being an anachronism in an increasingly complex society
a regime that permits citizens to choose among competing jurisdictions
each offering a different mixture of government services
is uniquely suited to a country of highly mobile and increasingly sophisticated citizen-consumers.\n\nReal federalism requires effective constitutional constraints on the national government. American government lost such constraints–and hence
real competitive federalism–some six decades ago
when the traditional constitutional notion of “enumerated” powers collapsed in the wake of the New Deal. It will prove exceedingly difficult to reestablish constitutional constraints because so many powerful interests have acquired huge stakes in a centralized and essentially unconstrained national government.\n\nIn several important decisions (each discussed in this book)
the United States Supreme Court has reestablished at least some federalism constraints. At the same time
a loose coalition of “leave-us-alone” constituencies–including
for example
religious groups
the term limits movement
home school and school choice organizations
and tax limitation initiatives–have developed a strategic interest in open
decentralized political arrangements. Real Federalism shows that those constituencies and the Supreme Court can
through a “virtuous cycle” of progressive accommodation and (often implicit) cooperation
succeed in advancing federalism.\n\nReal Federalism combines a compelling
jargon-free analysis of important legal decisions and of the Supreme Court’s role in modern American politics with a practical interest in reestablishing constitutional federalism.
Real Federalism: Why It Matters
How It Could Happen
Over the course of the nation’s history
the Constitution has been turned upside-down
Michael Greve argues in this provocative book. The Constitution’s vision of a federalism in which local
state
and federal government compete to satisfy the preferences of individuals has given way to a cooperative
cartelized federalism that enables interest groups to leverage power at every level for their own benefit. Greve traces this inversion from the Constitution’s founding through today
dispelling much received wisdom along the way.\r\n\r\nThe Upside-Down Constitution shows how federalism’s transformation was a response to states’ demands
not an imposition on them. From the nineteenth-century judicial elaboration of a competitive federal order
to the New Deal transformation
to the contemporary Supreme Court’s impoverished understanding of constitutional structure
and the “devolution” in vogue today
Greve describes a trend that will lead to more government and fiscal profligacy
not less. Taking aim at both the progressive heirs of the New Deal and the vocal originalists of our own time
The Upside-Down Constitution explains why the current fiscal crisis will soon compel a fundamental renegotiation of a new federalism grounded in constitutional principles.\r\n\r\n
The Upside-Down Constitution
Federalism questions are at the heart of today’s intensely controversial policy debates. From education to disaster relief to health care and insurance
federal arrangements are failing
and the federal structure itself has reemerged as a subject of public debate. Bloated bureaucracies defy reform and governments pursue ever-deeper debt. These debilities loom especially large in times of economic stress and widespread public disaffection.\n\nThis essay examines the sources and the scope of federalism’s failures. It provides a trenchant
constitutionally grounded analysis with profound implications for a range of current policy debates. Federalism’s restoration requires not merely rebalancing the federal-state relationship through decentralization. Rather
we must restore the structure of federalism to competitive federalism—which encourages states to compete to enhance freedom and economic growth—in response to the rise of cartel federalism
which squashes competition between the states and makes states dependent on the federal government.
Federalism and the Constitution: Competition versus Cartels
The essays in this volume challenge the widespread belief that the government's environmental policies
unlike those in other areas
are drafted and implemented for the public good and genuinely seek to effect a cleaner environment. The contributors demonstrate through seven important cases that there are strong reasons to reconsider the present command and control approach to environmental policy. They argue that policies and programs are often designed to address political and economic objectives dear to power centers and interest groups. The authors seek to force a critique of present policies and programs and to contribute to the making of an environmental policy more authentically in the public's interest. To that end
the work analyzes the role of organized interests and political institutions in environmental policies
what their rationales may be
and what impact they have on the public welfare.\n\nThe book provides specific case studies of clean air legislation
biotechnology regulation
Superfund
pollution deadlines
citizen suits
and international environmental regulation. The work constitutes a most timely
well-informed
and persuasive argument for more reliance on other sources than just central government to reduce risk and to enhance environmental well-being.
Environmental Politics: Public Costs
Private Rewards
ed.
Richard A. Epstein
Competition Laws in Conflict: Antitrust Jurisdiction in the Global Economy
ed.
Traditional notions of citizenship are linked to the idea of the democratic nation-state
a sovereign entity capable of defending itself against foreign and domestic enemies. But these notions have become increasingly problematic as the very concept of the nation-state is challenged
not only by ethnic and religious conflicts
but also by increased global mobility and the political integration of nation-states into international organizations-most prominently
the European Union. Will the concept of citizenship as we know it survive the decline of the nation-state?\n\nIn this volume
scholars from both sides of the Atlantic consider how concepts of citizenship affect debates over immigration and assimilation
tolerance and minority rights
and national cohesion and civic culture. The authors explore the notion of \"constitutional patriotism
\" which seeks to establish principles of citizenship in a middle ground between cosmopolitanism and nationalism; the theoretical and practical questions of citizenship
including the complexities surrounding the legal status of citizenship in the European Union and the United States; the challenges of making EU citizenship \"complementary\" with national citizenship; and the issue of competing allegiances to home states and the European Union. Finally
the authors examine the centrality of rights
and the challenges of conflicting rights claims
in contemporary conceptions of citizenship. To what extent―if at all―should citizens' rights and duties change as the nation-state itself changes?\n\nIn a globalizing
post-9/11 world
it is more important than ever to understand the future of citizenship and the nation-state. In essays that range from the pragmatic to the theoretical
from the historical to the personal
Citizenship in America and Europe sheds light on these crucial issues.
Citizenship in America and Europe: Beyond the Nation-State?
ed.
This volume argues that environmental values no longer play a formative role in American law - a sharp and recent change. The author shows how it would be a mistake to look to the judiciary for wholesale regulatory reform: such reform can come only from Congress.
The Demise of Environmentalism in American Law
Consumer class actions often generate billion-dollar verdicts or settlements
even when the plaintiffs’ class is composed entirely of individuals whose harms are purely hypothetical. Typically
these cases proceed under broadly worded state laws against fraud
misrepresentation
unfair business dealing
and the like. The plaintiffs are not required to show that they actually relied
to their detriment
on the defendant’s alleged misrepresentation. Consumers who were injured are explicitly excluded from the class and may obtain separate redress for their harms.\n\nSuch “harm-less lawsuits” are supported not only by trial lawyers and ideologically motivated consumer advocacy groups but also
and somewhat perplexingly
by a substantial body of law and economics scholarship. Class actions that encompass all possible claimants
the theory runs
will provide finality and efficient deterrence of wrongful corporate conduct. That view
however
is almost certainly mistaken. When added to existing legal protections and recovery for injured consumers
additional actions on behalf of unharmed consumers will generate double recoveries and excessive deterrence.\n\nHarm-Less Lawsuits? describes the origins of consumer class actions and analyzes their theoretical and practical problems. It concludes that a viable reform agenda must focus not solely on courts and common law tort but rather on the statutory laws that give rise to those actions. To protect against the massive risk of excessive enforcement and deterrence
the private enforcement of consumer protection laws should be closely tied to traditional common law requirements of detrimental reliance and loss causation.\n\nThe AEI Liability Studies examine aspects of the U.S. civil liability system central to the political debates over liability reform. The goal of the series is to contribute new empirical evidence and promising reform ideas that are commensurate to the seriousness of America’s liability problems.
Harm-Less Lawsuits? What's Wrong with Consumer Class Actions
Should online purchases be taxed based on the buyer’s location or the seller’s? In Sell Globally
Tax Locally
Michael S. Greve offers a provocative new approach to Internet sales taxation. Drawing upon his extensive background in federalism issues
Greve argues that an origin-based tax system would break the “tax cartel” and replace it with competition–giving states a motive to lower their sales taxes as a means of enticing companies to choose their state as a base of operations.\n\nCross-border sales
through the Internet or other channels
are commonly taxed on the basis of their destination
not the country or state of origin. That regime is uniformly decried as terribly complex
burdensome
and inefficient. It allows many Internet sales to escape taxation
depriving governments of revenues and giving Internet retailers an unwarranted advantage over traditional industries. Most reform proposals focus on intergovernmental tax harmonization and simplification. Instead of extending a broken destination-based sales tax system to e-commerce
Greve argues that we should tax cross-border sales on the basis of their location of origin
not their destination. Destination-based sales tax systems invariably conflict with elementary principles of sensible taxation–simplicity
fairness
neutrality
and ease of administration. An origin-based system
in contrast
satisfies those demands: Each cross-border sale would be taxed equally
once
and by a single authority.\n\nGreve discusses the flaws of destination-based taxation
demonstrates the futility of international and national tax harmonization
and makes the theoretical case for origin-based taxation. He concludes with practical proposals to forestall international tax harmonization and to advance an origin-based sales tax system in the United States.
Sell Globally
Tax Locally: Sales Tax Reform for the New Economy
Michael
Greve
American Enterprise Institute