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Secrecy and the Making of CFSP
Article\nHow can we understand the role of secrecy in the making of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP)? This article analyses the nature of secrecy and questions some of the main assumptions surrounding the concept. In this respect
it argues that secrecy may be of functional necessity for policy-makers and actually compatible with good governance. Moreover
we must not put too much stock in transparency alone in that the relationship between secrecy and transparency is not zero-sum ‒ historically
transparency has sometimes been an instrument of control and domination. The article considers the case of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) to shed light on what kind of secrecy exists in the foreign policy area
and argues that this is mainly a combination of functional and compound secrecy.
Secrecy and the Making of CFSP
This article advances the argument that security integration is occurring in the European Union (EU) as a result of the influence of certain knowledge-based networks or epistemic communities. Given that EU member states consistently resist integration in areas that are central to traditional state sovereignty
security integration presents a puzzle. The case of the EU Military Committee (EUMC) will serve as an example of how and why epistemic communities matter in security decision-making. Although the EUMC and the Common Security and Defence Policy are relatively new
the power of shared expertise among high-level military officers has already begun to dismantle sovereign barriers to security integration. In considering the puzzle of security integration
this article suggests that the epistemic community framework provides a better explanation for the emergence of a European security space than alternative arguments
such as principal-agent theory
intergovernmental bargaining
and regime theory. The case of a military epistemic community also serves to broaden the epistemic community literature
which tends to focus somewhat narrowly on cases of environmental and economics experts.
The Military Dimension of European Security: An Epistemic Community Approach
Jan Melissen
The time is ripe for European public diplomacy to take centre stage. Europe
and particularly the EU
is often misunderstood and seen in unnecessarily negative terms. The Eurozone crisis exacerbated the existing image of pre-vailing self-doubt. We argue that the EU myopically devotes too great a pro-portion of its communication resources to outreach with its own citizens. It is important to bridge the existing gap between the intra-EU and interna-tional communication spheres. Communicating Europe in other parts of the world will become increasingly important to Europeans and to business in-terests. The erosion of European influence and attractiveness is already evi-dent in a number of policy areas. With international opinion in flux
it is ur-gent to prevent foreign publics from looking at Europe as a shopping para-dise for high-end luxury items
or a continent suffering from endemic pessi-mism. As far as the EU does engage with the rest of the world
the problem is that communication is too often based on one-way informational practices rather than true dialogue. EU member-state governments
still behaving as though state-based diplomacy remains the name of their age-old Westphali-an game
should be more conscious of the strengths of Europe's pluralistic and multi-level governance environment. Sharing excellence in public diplo-macy practices is in their own interest as well as that of other international actors in Europe.\n\nAlso see the related op-ed in EUobserver: http://euobserver.com/opinion/121855
Communicating Europe: At Home in Tomorrow's World
in Jozef Batora and David Spence (eds)
The European External Action Service: European Diplomacy Post-Westphalia\n\nBook chapter
The Public Diplomacy Role of the EEAS: Crafting a Resilient Image for Europe
There are many factors driving the development of European Union (EU) foreign policy. While much of the literature focuses on how particular interests
norms or internal processes within Brussels institutions
this article sheds light on the role of external factors in shaping EU foreign policy through an in-depth examination of the recent development of EU Arctic policies. We find that increased Russian aggression
not least in Ukraine
is key to understanding why the EU recently has taken a strong interest in the Arctic. In a more insecure environment
Member States are more prone to develop common policies to counter other powers and gain more influence over future developments
especially as it relates to regime-formation in the Global Commons. In effect
the EU demonstrates a kind of reactive power when it comes to dealing with new geopolitical threats.
Reactive Power EU. Russian aggression and the development of an EU Arctic policy (with Marianne Riddervold)
This article makes the case that the most important developments in the European intelligence arena actually have little to do with member states’ willingness to cooperate. Rather
the context for the intelligence profession has changed fundamentally in the past few years in light of globalization and the information revolution
and this has made the creation of a single EU intelligence space far more likely
even despite member states’ resistance. The author argues that the emerging European intelligence space is increasingly consolidating around a transgovernmental network of intelligence professionals that draw upon open-source knowledge acquisition
with IntCen at its centre. One implication of this is that the field of EU intelligence may be a rare example in which integration can be achieved before cooperation
rather than the latter serving as a stepping stone to the former.
A European Transgovernmental Intelligence Network: The Role of IntCen
Even a casual look at the history of the European Union (EU) since\nits inception in 1957 shows that at numerous junctures through its development the\nEU (or European Economic Community/European Community [EEC/EC] in its AQ1 previous incarnations) has been portrayed as being in severe crisis. Of course
the ¶ EU continues to exist today
and it is arguably stronger and more integrated than\never. This article focuses on the role of international media coverage in framing certain events as crises and seeks to draw out a pattern across three prominent case studies: the 2003 Iraq crisis; 2005 constitutional crisis; and 2010–12 eurozone\ncrisis. Detailed media content analysis shows that the international media was not\njust reporting on crises
it was framing challenges and setbacks to EU integration\nas existential threats. The authors introduce the concept of integrational panic to conceptualize the media’s role in potentially contributing to the social construction\nof EU crises.
EU Crises & Integrational Panic: The Role of the Media
This book seeks to explain the resilience of the European Union in the face of repeated crises that are often seen as likely to derail its very existence. While it is often observed that these crises serve as opportunities for more integration
scholars have yet to offer an explanation for why this is true. This book is the first to identify a pattern across EU crises – specifically
the 2003 Iraq crisis
2005 constitutional crisis
and 2010-12 Eurozone crisis. I argue that we cannot understand the nature and severity of these crises without delving into the role of societal reaction to events and the nature of social narratives about crisis
especially those advanced by the media. The EU is plagued by episodes of what I call integrational panic – periods of often overblown
existential crisis in which social narratives about events create the perception that the “end of Europe” is at hand. While most explanations of crisis focus on systemic or structural flaws in the European institutional structure
this narratives approach also explains a renewed will to find consensus post-crisis. Using the concept of catharsis
I argue that narratives about crises provide the means to openly air underlying societal tensions that would otherwise remain under the surface
and impede further integration.
The Politics of Crisis in Europe (2017)
The proposed creation of a US Space Force has led to a ratcheting up of a sense of competition and threat among spacefaring powers. Many top government officials and experts around the world believe that space will inevitably become the next battlefield
either among countries
or private companies
or both. India successfully blew up a satellite
China landed a probe on the dark side of the moon
and many other countries have rapidly developed launch capabilities. The term ‘Space Race 2.0’ is increasingly invoked. But are we in the midst of a new Space Race
or on the verge of a new Space Age? This paper argues that despite many governmental efforts to militarize space over the past 70 years
on the whole
non-state actors have ensured that space has been a highly cooperative realm of human interaction
even during the height of the Cold War. While on the surface
there has been a narrative of threat- based competition
the author argues that this has largely been socially constructed. Drawing upon fresh archival research and participation observation
the author provides the historical context for understanding the increasingly diverse field of space actors today.
The Social Construction of the Space Race: Then & Now
Book chapter\n\nWill the EU become a significant security actor with the ability to protect its common borders and make important contributions to global security? I argue that networks of high-level diplomats based in Brussels play a key role in bringing together disparate interests across member-states to make security integration possible. Two key groups – the Committee of Permanent Representatives and the Political and Security Committee – are at the pinnacle of this diplomatic activity. Drawing upon dozens of interviews
this chapter uses a constructivist approach and epistemic community framework to examine how the internal processes within these groups impact their ability to shape the trajectory of security integration.
The Practice of Diplomacy and EU Security Policy
There is arguably no security crisis so great as the one that stems from climate change. For some time
the EU
rather than the US
has led the way in terms of far-ranging policies to reduce carbon emissions. But despite the fact that the EU has been able to bind itself to strong environmental norms internally
it has – up until COP21 – been a relatively weak norm entrepreneur externally when seeking to convince others
especially the US
to adopt stronger environmental policies. Why was the EU finally able to increase its influence in the lead up and at the 2015 UN summit in Paris? This article argues that while the EU’s climate diplomacy has underperformed in the past
it has been quick to adapt since the 2009 Copenhagen summit through effectively broadening its epistemic community of climate diplomats
and engaging in a process of political learning.
Partners at Paris? Climate Negotiations and Transatlantic Relations
Cohesive epistemic communities are more likely to be persuasive diplomatic actors
achieving security goals that would have otherwise been very difficult if left to the member states alone.
European Integration and Security Epistemic Communities
The European Defence Agency (EDA) was founded in 2004 with the aim of improving the EU’s defense capabilities through promoting collaboration
common initiatives
and innovative solutions to the EU’s security needs. This article examines the nature of the relationship between European Union member states and the EDA a decade after its founding. The agency has solidified a clear body of norms that it seeks member states to implement. To a surprising extent
member states have publically embraced these norms as necessary for the future viability of European security. But they at the same time resist implementing these norms in certain fundamental ways. Building upon the framework article of this special issue
the author applies the concepts of “public” and “hidden” transcripts to shed light on how member states simultaneously embrace and resist norms in a climate of supranational pressure.
The European Defence Agency and the Member States: Public and Hidden Transcripts
Jan Melissen
Book (hardback and paperback)\nReview: https://networks.h-net.org/node/28443/discussions/40416/wulk-davis-cross-and-melissen-european-public-diplomacy-soft-power
European Public Diplomacy: Soft Power at Work
A resilient actor is one with the capacity to recover from setbacks and obstacles
whether stemming from endogenous or exogenous factors. Beyond actual recovery
this article argues that there is also an important perceptional dimension. Image resilience is the capacity on the part of actors to overcome and deal with the widespread negative perceptions that often follow on the heels of these setbacks. The article argues that the ability to cultivate image resilience rests significantly on the power of public diplomacy. Through establishing a strong image for an actor over the longer term
public diplomacy enables that actor to be more resilient during times of crisis. The European Union is a particularly good case study to shed light on this. Using original interview evidence
this article examines a specific example of how the European Union was ultimately able to strengthen its image resilience in the United States through public diplomacy.
The European Union and Image Resilience during Times of Crisis (with Teresa La Porter)
The renewed emphasis on national political boundaries across Europe would seem to go hand-in-hand with a weaker external personality for the EU. However
there are several prominent examples of EU leadership that challenge this notion
from the December 2015 UN climate change agreement to common sanctions against Russia to a new Global Strategy. This paper examines a policy area that lies at the intersection of populist outrage and external engagement: counter-terrorism. In the wake of the 2015 and 2016 Paris and Brussels terrorist attacks
the EU has made significant strides in enhancing the external dimension of its counter-terrorism policies
particularly in terms of intelligence sharing
formal and informal diplomacy
and the internal-external nexus of security. The article argues that major terrorist attacks in 2015-2016 have served as critical junctures of crisis
driving counter-terrorism policies forward and emphasizing the notion of European boundaries beyond any functionalist or securitization explanation.
Counter-terrorism in the EU's External Relations
book chapter
Transatlantic Cultural Diplomacy
Co-editor of Special Issue\n\nWhat impact has the Russia–Ukraine crisis had on the EU as a foreign policy actor? Most studies examine how the EU has evolved as an actor over time of its own initiative
but tend to discount the role that the external context or structure of the international system might play in constraining or enabling the EU's exercise of power. This Special Issue seeks to understand the EU's influence in the world through recognizing its embeddedness in an unpredictable and uncertain international system. Specifically
we ask whether and to what extent the Russia–Ukraine crisis serves as a critical juncture and catalyst for shaping the EU's power.
Europe's Hybrid Foreign Policy: The Russia-Ukraine Crisis
This article examines the cases of the European Defence Agency (EDA) and EU Intelligence Analysis Centre (IntCen) to argue that although they are comprised of high-level security experts
they do not constitute epistemic communities. Research on other groups of security experts based in Brussels has shown that epistemic communities of diplomats
military experts
security researchers
and civilian crisis management experts
among others
have been able to influ- ence the trajectory of security integration by virtue of their shared knowledge. Importantly
these security epistemic communities have been shown to significantly impact outcomes of EU security policy beyond what would be expected by looking only at member-states’ initial preferences. In exploring two examples of “non-cases” that are at the same time very similar to the other examples
the author seeks to shed light on why some expert groups do not form epis- temic communities
and how this changes the nature of their influence. In so doing
the goal is to sharpen the parame- ters of what constitutes epistemic communities
and to add to our understanding of why they emerge. The argument advanced in this article is that institutional context and the nature of the profession matter as preconditions for epis- temic community emergence.
The Limits of Epistemic Communities: EU Security Agencies
Article\n\nThe Global Strategy has significant implications for EU diplomacy
both in terms of goals and means. This paper first analyzes the timing of the strategy as an exercise in diplomacy in its own right. Second
the paper argues that the strategy outlines a more expansive and noticeably more smart-power oriented approach to diplomacy in practical terms. Finally
the author emphasizes the strategy's new meta-narrative for EU diplomacy
which seeks to project a blend of both realistic assessment and idealistic aspiration.
The EU Global Strategy and Diplomacy
Mai'a K. Davis
Cross
Colgate University
University of Southern California
Journal of European Integration
Norwegian Nobel Institute
Clingendael Institute
Harvard University
Northeastern University
Palgrave Macmillan
ARENA Centre for European Studies
Council on Foreign Relations
Oslo
Norway
Visiting fellow\nParticipant in the Nobel Symposium
Nobel Fellow
Norwegian Nobel Institute
Boston
MA
Associate Professor of Political Science & International Affairs
Northeastern University
Colgate University
Clingendael Institute
the Hague
the Netherlands
Senior Visting Fellow
Boston
MA
Director of Graduate Studies in Political Science
Northeastern University
Boston
MA
Assistant Professor of Political Science & International Affairs
Northeastern University
Boston
MA
Edward W. Brooke Professor of Political Science
Northeastern University
Palgrave Studies in International Relations
Palgrave Macmillan
Associate Editor
Journal of European Integration
Harvard University
Cambridge
MA
Local Affiliate at the Minda da Gunzburg Center for European Studies
University of Southern California
ARENA Centre for European Studies
Oslo Area
Norway
Senior Researcher
New York
NY
Term Member of the Council on Foreign Relations
Council on Foreign Relations
Co-Chair
EU as a Global Actor section
European Union Studies Association
International Studies Association
French
Steven B. Sample Teaching and Mentoring Award
granted to one junior-faculty member university-wide annually
University of Southern California
2012 Best Book Prize in Contemporary European Studies
Awarded to \"Security Integration in Europe: How Knowledge-based Networks are Transforming the European Union\" (University of Michigan Press
2011)\n\nReviews:\nhttp://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/misr.12109/full\nhttp://www.psqonline.org/article.cfm?IDArticle=19176\nhttp://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=37024\nhttps://eustudies.org/assets/files/eusa_review/fall_12final.pdf\nhttp://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/jcms.12016_5/abstract\nhttp://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/00396338.2013.802931\nhttp://www.ceeol.com/aspx/publicationdetails.aspx?publicationId=d8a76fe4-af3f-4beb-999a-46e89a9496fc\nhttp://booksandjournals.brillonline.com/content/10.1163/1871191x-12341258;jsessionid=6eaa5siu98u6n.x-brill-live-01
University Association for Contemporary European Studies