Awesome
I loved Professor Danner. He's kind and a very respectful man. His way of teaching was interesting and fun too. Definitely, I would take his class again.
Florida International University - International Relations
Research Associate, Miami-Florida Jean Monnet European Center of Excellence
Lukas K.
Danner, Ph.D.
Miami/Fort Lauderdale Area
Dr. Lukas K. Danner is Research Associate at the Miami-Florida Jean Monnet European Center of Excellence, Florida International University (FIU), USA, and Honorary Research Fellow at the East Asia Security Centre, Bond University, Australia. Dr. Danner teaches a range of courses at the Department of Politics and International Relations, FIU, including Politics of Western Europe, International Relations of Europe, International Relations of East Asia, and Conflict, Security and Peace in IR, among others. He holds a Ph.D. in International Relations, an M.A. in International Studies with a Graduate Certificate in Asian Studies from FIU, as well as an M.A. in Sinology, American Cultural History and Law from the University of Munich, Germany. Dr. Danner is the author of China’s Grand Strategy: Contradictory Foreign Policy? (2018) and his research broadly centers around Security Studies, Foreign Policy, and Geopolitics, specifically security dynamics in the Indo-Pacific and the Arctic, European foreign affairs, Small States, Chinese international relations, and Arctic affairs. His research can be found on http://danner.is.
Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.)
International Relations
Major Field: Foreign Policy and Security Studies
Minor Field: Comparative Area Studies
Master of Arts (M.A.)
International Studies, Graduate Certificate in Asian Studies
Faculty Choice Award for Distinction in Online Teaching, FIU Online Annual Conference (FIU CON)
Adjunct Lecturer
Steven J. Green School of International and Public Affairs, Department of Politics and International Relations
Courses Taught:
CPO 2002: Introduction to Comparative Politics (2x) (Spring 2016, Fall 2017)
CPO 3103: Politics of Western Europe (7x) (Fall 2015, Springs 2017/ 2018/ 2019, Summers 2017/ 2018/ 2019)
CPO 3104: European Union Politics (1x) (Spring 2016)
CPO 3502: Politics of the Far East (2x) (Springs 2018/ 2019)
INR 3061: Conflict, Security, and Peace in IR (2x) (Spring 2014, Fall 2015)
INR 3081: Contemporary International Problems (1x) (Fall 2017)
INR 3214: International Relations of Europe (4x) (Falls 2017/ 2018/ 2019, Spring 2019)
INR 3224: International Relations of East Asia (1x) (Spring 2016)
INR 3227: International Relations of South Asia (2x) (Falls 2018/ 2019)
INR 3703: International Political Economy (3x) (Fall 2014, Spring 2015, Fall 2015)
Teaching Assistant / Graduate Teaching Instructor
College of Arts and Sciences, School of International and Public Affairs, Department of Politics and International Relations
Courses Assisted:
--Conflict, Security, and Peace in IR (Spring 2013, Fall 2013)
--Theories of International Relations (Fall 2012, Fall 2013)
--International Political Economy (Fall 2011, Spring 2012, Summers 2013, 2014 & 2015)
--Authoritarians and Democrats: Democratic Transitions (Summer 2012)
Dissertation Year Fellow
Dissertation writing fellowship for Summer and Fall 2016 provided by the University Graduate School (UGS), Florida International University (FIU).
Postdoctoral Associate
http://mcnairconference.fiu.edu/
http://undergrad.fiu.edu/cat/about.html
http://mcnairconference.fiu.edu/program/index.html
http://gradschool.fiu.edu/open-house-fall2015.shtml
http://mcnairconference.fiu.edu/program/index.html
http://undergrad.fiu.edu/cat/about.html
http://sas.fiu.edu/programs.shtml
http://mcnairconference.fiu.edu/
Scholarship recipient/General scholar
Chinese Language and Literature
Intensive language training in Mandarin
Magister Artium (M.A.)
Sinology, American Cultural History, International Law
Major: Sinology
Minors: American Cultural History, (International) Law
Intermediate Exam (B.A. Equivalent)
Sinology
Department of Asian Studies, Institute of Sinology, University of Munich (LMU).
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
Culture Mandala 12:1, pp. 23-44
In the past few years, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China has become more assertive, not just in its military posture but also in its diplomatic affairs and economic interactions. Despite this rising assertiveness, China’s grand strategy officially remains that of ‘Peaceful Development.’ In consequence, scholars have disagreed about the trajectory of China’s grand strategy in light of its often ambivalent behavior. To explain this ambivalence, this article will take a closer empirical look at two important developments regarding China’s international affairs: The softening on China’s preoccupation with territorial integrity and sovereignty has been exhibited in taking sides with Russia in the Ukraine Crisis, as well as its continually increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions. In contrast to more common materialist explanations, this article argues that the ambivalence of these actions can best be explained by contextualizing them with China’s history and sense of legitimacy.
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
Culture Mandala 12:1, pp. 23-44
In the past few years, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China has become more assertive, not just in its military posture but also in its diplomatic affairs and economic interactions. Despite this rising assertiveness, China’s grand strategy officially remains that of ‘Peaceful Development.’ In consequence, scholars have disagreed about the trajectory of China’s grand strategy in light of its often ambivalent behavior. To explain this ambivalence, this article will take a closer empirical look at two important developments regarding China’s international affairs: The softening on China’s preoccupation with territorial integrity and sovereignty has been exhibited in taking sides with Russia in the Ukraine Crisis, as well as its continually increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions. In contrast to more common materialist explanations, this article argues that the ambivalence of these actions can best be explained by contextualizing them with China’s history and sense of legitimacy.
American Journal of Chinese Studies 22:1
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
Culture Mandala 12:1, pp. 23-44
In the past few years, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China has become more assertive, not just in its military posture but also in its diplomatic affairs and economic interactions. Despite this rising assertiveness, China’s grand strategy officially remains that of ‘Peaceful Development.’ In consequence, scholars have disagreed about the trajectory of China’s grand strategy in light of its often ambivalent behavior. To explain this ambivalence, this article will take a closer empirical look at two important developments regarding China’s international affairs: The softening on China’s preoccupation with territorial integrity and sovereignty has been exhibited in taking sides with Russia in the Ukraine Crisis, as well as its continually increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions. In contrast to more common materialist explanations, this article argues that the ambivalence of these actions can best be explained by contextualizing them with China’s history and sense of legitimacy.
American Journal of Chinese Studies 22:1
In: Paul J. Springer, Encyclopedia of Cyber Warfare (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO), pp. 207-209.
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
Culture Mandala 12:1, pp. 23-44
In the past few years, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China has become more assertive, not just in its military posture but also in its diplomatic affairs and economic interactions. Despite this rising assertiveness, China’s grand strategy officially remains that of ‘Peaceful Development.’ In consequence, scholars have disagreed about the trajectory of China’s grand strategy in light of its often ambivalent behavior. To explain this ambivalence, this article will take a closer empirical look at two important developments regarding China’s international affairs: The softening on China’s preoccupation with territorial integrity and sovereignty has been exhibited in taking sides with Russia in the Ukraine Crisis, as well as its continually increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions. In contrast to more common materialist explanations, this article argues that the ambivalence of these actions can best be explained by contextualizing them with China’s history and sense of legitimacy.
American Journal of Chinese Studies 22:1
In: Paul J. Springer, Encyclopedia of Cyber Warfare (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO), pp. 207-209.
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
Culture Mandala 12:1, pp. 23-44
In the past few years, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China has become more assertive, not just in its military posture but also in its diplomatic affairs and economic interactions. Despite this rising assertiveness, China’s grand strategy officially remains that of ‘Peaceful Development.’ In consequence, scholars have disagreed about the trajectory of China’s grand strategy in light of its often ambivalent behavior. To explain this ambivalence, this article will take a closer empirical look at two important developments regarding China’s international affairs: The softening on China’s preoccupation with territorial integrity and sovereignty has been exhibited in taking sides with Russia in the Ukraine Crisis, as well as its continually increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions. In contrast to more common materialist explanations, this article argues that the ambivalence of these actions can best be explained by contextualizing them with China’s history and sense of legitimacy.
American Journal of Chinese Studies 22:1
In: Paul J. Springer, Encyclopedia of Cyber Warfare (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO), pp. 207-209.
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin
This article surveys the occupation of the formerly German-leased territory around the Jiaozhou Bay with Qingdao as its capital city by the Japanese during and after the First World War. It first describes the initial ultimatum of the Japanese to the Germans to turn over the territory, which today is the peninsular part of China’s Shandong province. It then goes further into the siege and ensuing occupation by the Japanese, which lasted throughout the First World War and another four years longer, until 1922. To conclude, the article describes the eventual turning over of the territory by the Japanese back to China.
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
Culture Mandala 12:1, pp. 23-44
In the past few years, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China has become more assertive, not just in its military posture but also in its diplomatic affairs and economic interactions. Despite this rising assertiveness, China’s grand strategy officially remains that of ‘Peaceful Development.’ In consequence, scholars have disagreed about the trajectory of China’s grand strategy in light of its often ambivalent behavior. To explain this ambivalence, this article will take a closer empirical look at two important developments regarding China’s international affairs: The softening on China’s preoccupation with territorial integrity and sovereignty has been exhibited in taking sides with Russia in the Ukraine Crisis, as well as its continually increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions. In contrast to more common materialist explanations, this article argues that the ambivalence of these actions can best be explained by contextualizing them with China’s history and sense of legitimacy.
American Journal of Chinese Studies 22:1
In: Paul J. Springer, Encyclopedia of Cyber Warfare (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO), pp. 207-209.
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin
This article surveys the occupation of the formerly German-leased territory around the Jiaozhou Bay with Qingdao as its capital city by the Japanese during and after the First World War. It first describes the initial ultimatum of the Japanese to the Germans to turn over the territory, which today is the peninsular part of China’s Shandong province. It then goes further into the siege and ensuing occupation by the Japanese, which lasted throughout the First World War and another four years longer, until 1922. To conclude, the article describes the eventual turning over of the territory by the Japanese back to China.
Tamkang Journal of International Affairs 20:1, pp. 1-60 (peer-reviewed)
In the past few years, China has exhibited a rising assertiveness in international relations, including trade, although its official grand strategy remains "Peaceful Development." Examples of this contradictory trajectory are China's rare earth elements export restrictions (assertive) and the One Belt, One Road initiative (peaceful). This article seeks to establish, on the one hand, whether or not these examples are conforming to or diverging from "Peaceful Development," and therefore actually a manifestation of the alleged rising assertiveness on China's part, and on the other hand, identify the reason why China is acting ambivalently. To accomplish this, this article gives historical-cultural context to the analyzed cases in order to explain them via an innovative approach using intangible factors rather than the more commonplace materialist explanations. Results of the analysis show that for the understanding of these grand strategy manifestations and their (at times) perceived rising assertiveness and inconsistency, a good grasp of China's historical memory and sense of legitimacy is determining.
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
Culture Mandala 12:1, pp. 23-44
In the past few years, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China has become more assertive, not just in its military posture but also in its diplomatic affairs and economic interactions. Despite this rising assertiveness, China’s grand strategy officially remains that of ‘Peaceful Development.’ In consequence, scholars have disagreed about the trajectory of China’s grand strategy in light of its often ambivalent behavior. To explain this ambivalence, this article will take a closer empirical look at two important developments regarding China’s international affairs: The softening on China’s preoccupation with territorial integrity and sovereignty has been exhibited in taking sides with Russia in the Ukraine Crisis, as well as its continually increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions. In contrast to more common materialist explanations, this article argues that the ambivalence of these actions can best be explained by contextualizing them with China’s history and sense of legitimacy.
American Journal of Chinese Studies 22:1
In: Paul J. Springer, Encyclopedia of Cyber Warfare (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO), pp. 207-209.
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin
This article surveys the occupation of the formerly German-leased territory around the Jiaozhou Bay with Qingdao as its capital city by the Japanese during and after the First World War. It first describes the initial ultimatum of the Japanese to the Germans to turn over the territory, which today is the peninsular part of China’s Shandong province. It then goes further into the siege and ensuing occupation by the Japanese, which lasted throughout the First World War and another four years longer, until 1922. To conclude, the article describes the eventual turning over of the territory by the Japanese back to China.
Tamkang Journal of International Affairs 20:1, pp. 1-60 (peer-reviewed)
In the past few years, China has exhibited a rising assertiveness in international relations, including trade, although its official grand strategy remains "Peaceful Development." Examples of this contradictory trajectory are China's rare earth elements export restrictions (assertive) and the One Belt, One Road initiative (peaceful). This article seeks to establish, on the one hand, whether or not these examples are conforming to or diverging from "Peaceful Development," and therefore actually a manifestation of the alleged rising assertiveness on China's part, and on the other hand, identify the reason why China is acting ambivalently. To accomplish this, this article gives historical-cultural context to the analyzed cases in order to explain them via an innovative approach using intangible factors rather than the more commonplace materialist explanations. Results of the analysis show that for the understanding of these grand strategy manifestations and their (at times) perceived rising assertiveness and inconsistency, a good grasp of China's historical memory and sense of legitimacy is determining.
China Policy Institute at the University of Nottingham
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
Culture Mandala 12:1, pp. 23-44
In the past few years, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China has become more assertive, not just in its military posture but also in its diplomatic affairs and economic interactions. Despite this rising assertiveness, China’s grand strategy officially remains that of ‘Peaceful Development.’ In consequence, scholars have disagreed about the trajectory of China’s grand strategy in light of its often ambivalent behavior. To explain this ambivalence, this article will take a closer empirical look at two important developments regarding China’s international affairs: The softening on China’s preoccupation with territorial integrity and sovereignty has been exhibited in taking sides with Russia in the Ukraine Crisis, as well as its continually increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions. In contrast to more common materialist explanations, this article argues that the ambivalence of these actions can best be explained by contextualizing them with China’s history and sense of legitimacy.
American Journal of Chinese Studies 22:1
In: Paul J. Springer, Encyclopedia of Cyber Warfare (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO), pp. 207-209.
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin
This article surveys the occupation of the formerly German-leased territory around the Jiaozhou Bay with Qingdao as its capital city by the Japanese during and after the First World War. It first describes the initial ultimatum of the Japanese to the Germans to turn over the territory, which today is the peninsular part of China’s Shandong province. It then goes further into the siege and ensuing occupation by the Japanese, which lasted throughout the First World War and another four years longer, until 1922. To conclude, the article describes the eventual turning over of the territory by the Japanese back to China.
Tamkang Journal of International Affairs 20:1, pp. 1-60 (peer-reviewed)
In the past few years, China has exhibited a rising assertiveness in international relations, including trade, although its official grand strategy remains "Peaceful Development." Examples of this contradictory trajectory are China's rare earth elements export restrictions (assertive) and the One Belt, One Road initiative (peaceful). This article seeks to establish, on the one hand, whether or not these examples are conforming to or diverging from "Peaceful Development," and therefore actually a manifestation of the alleged rising assertiveness on China's part, and on the other hand, identify the reason why China is acting ambivalently. To accomplish this, this article gives historical-cultural context to the analyzed cases in order to explain them via an innovative approach using intangible factors rather than the more commonplace materialist explanations. Results of the analysis show that for the understanding of these grand strategy manifestations and their (at times) perceived rising assertiveness and inconsistency, a good grasp of China's historical memory and sense of legitimacy is determining.
China Policy Institute at the University of Nottingham
Journal of Borderlands Studies 34:3, pp. 413-431 (peer-reviewed)
This article takes a closer look at how China’s government deals with border minorities in the foreign relations with its neighboring South Asian states. To secure its periphery, China has been known to push its neighbors to support border security, including repressive measures against refugee populations which could potentially threaten China’s domestic peace by inciting or supporting secessionist movements. This study highlights the roles of the Tibetan and Uighur minorities in the relations of China with adjacent states in South Asia. For the Tibetan minority, the article will analyze Sino-Nepalese as well as Sino-Indian relations; concerning the Uighur minority, Sino-Pakistani relations will be highlighted. These case studies promise to be interesting also because of the range of relationships between China and these countries, Pakistan being a relatively close ally, Nepal a buffer state in which China and India compete for power, and India being at least a competitor state, if not arch-enemy—given still existing border disputes. India and Nepal house the first and second largest Tibetan refugee populations worldwide, respectively, while only a small Uighur population lives in Pakistan. Expected results should show the relative importance of border minorities and therefore, Chinese domestic politics in foreign relations with the selected cases.
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
Culture Mandala 12:1, pp. 23-44
In the past few years, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China has become more assertive, not just in its military posture but also in its diplomatic affairs and economic interactions. Despite this rising assertiveness, China’s grand strategy officially remains that of ‘Peaceful Development.’ In consequence, scholars have disagreed about the trajectory of China’s grand strategy in light of its often ambivalent behavior. To explain this ambivalence, this article will take a closer empirical look at two important developments regarding China’s international affairs: The softening on China’s preoccupation with territorial integrity and sovereignty has been exhibited in taking sides with Russia in the Ukraine Crisis, as well as its continually increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions. In contrast to more common materialist explanations, this article argues that the ambivalence of these actions can best be explained by contextualizing them with China’s history and sense of legitimacy.
American Journal of Chinese Studies 22:1
In: Paul J. Springer, Encyclopedia of Cyber Warfare (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO), pp. 207-209.
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin
This article surveys the occupation of the formerly German-leased territory around the Jiaozhou Bay with Qingdao as its capital city by the Japanese during and after the First World War. It first describes the initial ultimatum of the Japanese to the Germans to turn over the territory, which today is the peninsular part of China’s Shandong province. It then goes further into the siege and ensuing occupation by the Japanese, which lasted throughout the First World War and another four years longer, until 1922. To conclude, the article describes the eventual turning over of the territory by the Japanese back to China.
Tamkang Journal of International Affairs 20:1, pp. 1-60 (peer-reviewed)
In the past few years, China has exhibited a rising assertiveness in international relations, including trade, although its official grand strategy remains "Peaceful Development." Examples of this contradictory trajectory are China's rare earth elements export restrictions (assertive) and the One Belt, One Road initiative (peaceful). This article seeks to establish, on the one hand, whether or not these examples are conforming to or diverging from "Peaceful Development," and therefore actually a manifestation of the alleged rising assertiveness on China's part, and on the other hand, identify the reason why China is acting ambivalently. To accomplish this, this article gives historical-cultural context to the analyzed cases in order to explain them via an innovative approach using intangible factors rather than the more commonplace materialist explanations. Results of the analysis show that for the understanding of these grand strategy manifestations and their (at times) perceived rising assertiveness and inconsistency, a good grasp of China's historical memory and sense of legitimacy is determining.
China Policy Institute at the University of Nottingham
Journal of Borderlands Studies 34:3, pp. 413-431 (peer-reviewed)
This article takes a closer look at how China’s government deals with border minorities in the foreign relations with its neighboring South Asian states. To secure its periphery, China has been known to push its neighbors to support border security, including repressive measures against refugee populations which could potentially threaten China’s domestic peace by inciting or supporting secessionist movements. This study highlights the roles of the Tibetan and Uighur minorities in the relations of China with adjacent states in South Asia. For the Tibetan minority, the article will analyze Sino-Nepalese as well as Sino-Indian relations; concerning the Uighur minority, Sino-Pakistani relations will be highlighted. These case studies promise to be interesting also because of the range of relationships between China and these countries, Pakistan being a relatively close ally, Nepal a buffer state in which China and India compete for power, and India being at least a competitor state, if not arch-enemy—given still existing border disputes. India and Nepal house the first and second largest Tibetan refugee populations worldwide, respectively, while only a small Uighur population lives in Pakistan. Expected results should show the relative importance of border minorities and therefore, Chinese domestic politics in foreign relations with the selected cases.
Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences 6:2, pp. 219-247 (peer-reviewed)
Recently, the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu, or Senkaku, Islands in the East China Sea has flamed up between China and Japan. This conflict deserves further attention because of its potential of being the spark to unleash a Sino-Japanese firefight. However, this was not the first time the two Northeast Asian great power rivals have at least verbally fought over who is the rightful owner to the resource-rich archipelago and surrounding waters. The controversy can be traced from post-World War II, over the 1970s and 1990s, to today. The entire process of this largely verbal fistfight can be best understood through the Copenhagen School’s securitization and de-securitization concepts. Japan, being in the role of the administrator, naturally more often desecuritized the issue in the past than did China, while China mostly strategically securitized the dispute. For the current round of escalation over the dispute, interestingly, Japan acted as initial securitizing actor. This paper aims to contextualize the instances in which the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands has been either securitized or desecuritized by either party. The analysis adds nuances to securitization theory, especially concerning the role of societal uprisings in securitizing a dispute such as the one at hand.
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
Culture Mandala 12:1, pp. 23-44
In the past few years, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China has become more assertive, not just in its military posture but also in its diplomatic affairs and economic interactions. Despite this rising assertiveness, China’s grand strategy officially remains that of ‘Peaceful Development.’ In consequence, scholars have disagreed about the trajectory of China’s grand strategy in light of its often ambivalent behavior. To explain this ambivalence, this article will take a closer empirical look at two important developments regarding China’s international affairs: The softening on China’s preoccupation with territorial integrity and sovereignty has been exhibited in taking sides with Russia in the Ukraine Crisis, as well as its continually increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions. In contrast to more common materialist explanations, this article argues that the ambivalence of these actions can best be explained by contextualizing them with China’s history and sense of legitimacy.
American Journal of Chinese Studies 22:1
In: Paul J. Springer, Encyclopedia of Cyber Warfare (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO), pp. 207-209.
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin
This article surveys the occupation of the formerly German-leased territory around the Jiaozhou Bay with Qingdao as its capital city by the Japanese during and after the First World War. It first describes the initial ultimatum of the Japanese to the Germans to turn over the territory, which today is the peninsular part of China’s Shandong province. It then goes further into the siege and ensuing occupation by the Japanese, which lasted throughout the First World War and another four years longer, until 1922. To conclude, the article describes the eventual turning over of the territory by the Japanese back to China.
Tamkang Journal of International Affairs 20:1, pp. 1-60 (peer-reviewed)
In the past few years, China has exhibited a rising assertiveness in international relations, including trade, although its official grand strategy remains "Peaceful Development." Examples of this contradictory trajectory are China's rare earth elements export restrictions (assertive) and the One Belt, One Road initiative (peaceful). This article seeks to establish, on the one hand, whether or not these examples are conforming to or diverging from "Peaceful Development," and therefore actually a manifestation of the alleged rising assertiveness on China's part, and on the other hand, identify the reason why China is acting ambivalently. To accomplish this, this article gives historical-cultural context to the analyzed cases in order to explain them via an innovative approach using intangible factors rather than the more commonplace materialist explanations. Results of the analysis show that for the understanding of these grand strategy manifestations and their (at times) perceived rising assertiveness and inconsistency, a good grasp of China's historical memory and sense of legitimacy is determining.
China Policy Institute at the University of Nottingham
Journal of Borderlands Studies 34:3, pp. 413-431 (peer-reviewed)
This article takes a closer look at how China’s government deals with border minorities in the foreign relations with its neighboring South Asian states. To secure its periphery, China has been known to push its neighbors to support border security, including repressive measures against refugee populations which could potentially threaten China’s domestic peace by inciting or supporting secessionist movements. This study highlights the roles of the Tibetan and Uighur minorities in the relations of China with adjacent states in South Asia. For the Tibetan minority, the article will analyze Sino-Nepalese as well as Sino-Indian relations; concerning the Uighur minority, Sino-Pakistani relations will be highlighted. These case studies promise to be interesting also because of the range of relationships between China and these countries, Pakistan being a relatively close ally, Nepal a buffer state in which China and India compete for power, and India being at least a competitor state, if not arch-enemy—given still existing border disputes. India and Nepal house the first and second largest Tibetan refugee populations worldwide, respectively, while only a small Uighur population lives in Pakistan. Expected results should show the relative importance of border minorities and therefore, Chinese domestic politics in foreign relations with the selected cases.
Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences 6:2, pp. 219-247 (peer-reviewed)
Recently, the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu, or Senkaku, Islands in the East China Sea has flamed up between China and Japan. This conflict deserves further attention because of its potential of being the spark to unleash a Sino-Japanese firefight. However, this was not the first time the two Northeast Asian great power rivals have at least verbally fought over who is the rightful owner to the resource-rich archipelago and surrounding waters. The controversy can be traced from post-World War II, over the 1970s and 1990s, to today. The entire process of this largely verbal fistfight can be best understood through the Copenhagen School’s securitization and de-securitization concepts. Japan, being in the role of the administrator, naturally more often desecuritized the issue in the past than did China, while China mostly strategically securitized the dispute. For the current round of escalation over the dispute, interestingly, Japan acted as initial securitizing actor. This paper aims to contextualize the instances in which the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands has been either securitized or desecuritized by either party. The analysis adds nuances to securitization theory, especially concerning the role of societal uprisings in securitizing a dispute such as the one at hand.
1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin
This article discusses China’s war aims during the First World War, as well as the intra-Chinese discussion over which side to enter the war on. It surveys the extent of the different aims, most of which were related to regaining control over foreign occupied territory, such as the German (then Japanese) territory around Jiaozhou Bay, among others. The article also highlights the evolution of the discussion in China over which side to support in the Great War, which lasted until 1917, when China finally declared war on Germany. The article concludes with an assessment of the extent to which China achieved its war aims.
EU Development Policies: Between Norms and Geopolitics, pp 79-93
Palgrave Macmillan
This book describes the main contradictions in China’s actions on the world stage―peaceful vs. assertive―through a culturally informed framework that takes into account China’s historical memory and political culture. The author analyzes nine cases, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as examples that show both China’s commitment to peace and development in the region, as well as its concerted effort to introduce alternative institutions on the global stage that could challenge the hegemony of the West and Western values.
Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies 6:2, pp. 186-207 (peer-reviewed)
This article analyses China's strategic intentions and how these may ultimately project its violent or peaceful hegemonic rise. It maintains that, although it is difficult to define accurately China's future hegemonic role and general systemic behaviour, a “Third Hegemonic Way” or Dutch‐style hegemony is highly instructive in this context and, thus, should be examined and added to the existing debate on China's peaceful or violent rise as either a benevolent or potentially coercive hegemon. We argue that the Dutch‐style hegemony may be the most viable way for China to proceed in its global hegemonic ascendancy in a future world order.
Collective Memory Project: The Election of 2004
Strategic Analysis 40:1, pp. 24-38 (peer-reviewed)
China has always been an important neighbour to Nepal which has otherwise historically been heavily influenced by India. The ‘Rise of China’ has created a more outward-looking Middle Kingdom and so its influence in Nepal has significantly increased within the last decade. As a consequence, Nepal is experiencing growing interest from China. This article aims to give some historical background to Sino-Nepalese relations and to measure the most recent impact of the ‘Rise of China’ on Nepal, particularly on its economic, military and political fronts. This is followed by a broader look at China’s policy towards Nepal, also taking into account China’s overall strategy towards South Asia. Apart from China’s relationship with India, the issues of stability in Tibet as well as Tibetan refugees within Nepal remain important factors for the Sino-Nepalese relationship even to this day.
Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan Broadcasting Corporation)
American Journal of Chinese Studies 23:2, pp. 257-258
Polar Record 55:2, pp. 115-116
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
Culture Mandala 12:1, pp. 23-44
In the past few years, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China has become more assertive, not just in its military posture but also in its diplomatic affairs and economic interactions. Despite this rising assertiveness, China’s grand strategy officially remains that of ‘Peaceful Development.’ In consequence, scholars have disagreed about the trajectory of China’s grand strategy in light of its often ambivalent behavior. To explain this ambivalence, this article will take a closer empirical look at two important developments regarding China’s international affairs: The softening on China’s preoccupation with territorial integrity and sovereignty has been exhibited in taking sides with Russia in the Ukraine Crisis, as well as its continually increasing participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions. In contrast to more common materialist explanations, this article argues that the ambivalence of these actions can best be explained by contextualizing them with China’s history and sense of legitimacy.
American Journal of Chinese Studies 22:1
In: Paul J. Springer, Encyclopedia of Cyber Warfare (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO), pp. 207-209.
e-IR: Ivory Tower Blog
1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin
This article surveys the occupation of the formerly German-leased territory around the Jiaozhou Bay with Qingdao as its capital city by the Japanese during and after the First World War. It first describes the initial ultimatum of the Japanese to the Germans to turn over the territory, which today is the peninsular part of China’s Shandong province. It then goes further into the siege and ensuing occupation by the Japanese, which lasted throughout the First World War and another four years longer, until 1922. To conclude, the article describes the eventual turning over of the territory by the Japanese back to China.
Tamkang Journal of International Affairs 20:1, pp. 1-60 (peer-reviewed)
In the past few years, China has exhibited a rising assertiveness in international relations, including trade, although its official grand strategy remains "Peaceful Development." Examples of this contradictory trajectory are China's rare earth elements export restrictions (assertive) and the One Belt, One Road initiative (peaceful). This article seeks to establish, on the one hand, whether or not these examples are conforming to or diverging from "Peaceful Development," and therefore actually a manifestation of the alleged rising assertiveness on China's part, and on the other hand, identify the reason why China is acting ambivalently. To accomplish this, this article gives historical-cultural context to the analyzed cases in order to explain them via an innovative approach using intangible factors rather than the more commonplace materialist explanations. Results of the analysis show that for the understanding of these grand strategy manifestations and their (at times) perceived rising assertiveness and inconsistency, a good grasp of China's historical memory and sense of legitimacy is determining.
China Policy Institute at the University of Nottingham
Journal of Borderlands Studies 34:3, pp. 413-431 (peer-reviewed)
This article takes a closer look at how China’s government deals with border minorities in the foreign relations with its neighboring South Asian states. To secure its periphery, China has been known to push its neighbors to support border security, including repressive measures against refugee populations which could potentially threaten China’s domestic peace by inciting or supporting secessionist movements. This study highlights the roles of the Tibetan and Uighur minorities in the relations of China with adjacent states in South Asia. For the Tibetan minority, the article will analyze Sino-Nepalese as well as Sino-Indian relations; concerning the Uighur minority, Sino-Pakistani relations will be highlighted. These case studies promise to be interesting also because of the range of relationships between China and these countries, Pakistan being a relatively close ally, Nepal a buffer state in which China and India compete for power, and India being at least a competitor state, if not arch-enemy—given still existing border disputes. India and Nepal house the first and second largest Tibetan refugee populations worldwide, respectively, while only a small Uighur population lives in Pakistan. Expected results should show the relative importance of border minorities and therefore, Chinese domestic politics in foreign relations with the selected cases.
Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences 6:2, pp. 219-247 (peer-reviewed)
Recently, the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu, or Senkaku, Islands in the East China Sea has flamed up between China and Japan. This conflict deserves further attention because of its potential of being the spark to unleash a Sino-Japanese firefight. However, this was not the first time the two Northeast Asian great power rivals have at least verbally fought over who is the rightful owner to the resource-rich archipelago and surrounding waters. The controversy can be traced from post-World War II, over the 1970s and 1990s, to today. The entire process of this largely verbal fistfight can be best understood through the Copenhagen School’s securitization and de-securitization concepts. Japan, being in the role of the administrator, naturally more often desecuritized the issue in the past than did China, while China mostly strategically securitized the dispute. For the current round of escalation over the dispute, interestingly, Japan acted as initial securitizing actor. This paper aims to contextualize the instances in which the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands has been either securitized or desecuritized by either party. The analysis adds nuances to securitization theory, especially concerning the role of societal uprisings in securitizing a dispute such as the one at hand.
1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin
This article discusses China’s war aims during the First World War, as well as the intra-Chinese discussion over which side to enter the war on. It surveys the extent of the different aims, most of which were related to regaining control over foreign occupied territory, such as the German (then Japanese) territory around Jiaozhou Bay, among others. The article also highlights the evolution of the discussion in China over which side to support in the Great War, which lasted until 1917, when China finally declared war on Germany. The article concludes with an assessment of the extent to which China achieved its war aims.
Asian Politics & Policy
The following profiles may or may not be the same professor:
The following profiles may or may not be the same professor: