University of Calgary - History
Postdoctoral Associate at University of Calgary
Denis
Clark
Calgary, Alberta, Canada
I am a researcher and instructor specializing in the history of modern Europe. I am also interested in Canada's relations with Europe in the era of Brexit. I have an MPhil and DPhil from the University of Oxford, where I worked under Margaret MacMillan, and a BA from the University of Waterloo, where I won awards for community involvement and academic achievement. My historical research looks at how ideas about race and emotion influenced diplomats in the early twentieth century, which challenges the conclusion that diplomats and political leaders only think about policy in rational terms. I teach on the history of diplomacy and nationalism in the modern world, and I’ve been nominated for a teaching award twice in two years of teaching. I have written peer-reviewed articles, global affairs commentaries, and local news updates. I am looking for my next opportunity starting January 2020 where I can continue to serve our community.
Co-teacher (teaching assistant)
Delivered two one-hour lectures to and participated in the discussions for the Continuing Education class ‘Beyond the Western Front: the First World War in other theatres’
Course Instructor
Instructor of a four-week upper-level undergraduate seminar on 'The Eastern Front of the First World War'
Co-teacher (teaching assistant)
Assisted in class discussions for ‘Culture, Politics and Identity in Cold War Europe, 1945-68’, a second-year undergraduate module in the History Faculty
Research Associate
I conducted research for Dr. Petra Dolata on how Brexit will affect transatlantic relations in the areas of environment, energy, research funding, and Western Canada. This is part of the project "The Reconfiguration of Canada-Europe Relations after Brexit", which is funded by a SSHRC Insight Grant.
Assistant Professor of History (limited-term)
I have taught courses on global diplomatic history in the 19th and 20th centuries, Britain in the world, and on the history of nationalism in Europe, and a seminar on 1919 in global history.
Postdoctoral Associate
I am working on two projects. First, I am part of the project "The Reconfiguration of Canada-Europe Relations after Brexit", which is funded by a SSHRC Insight Grant. My research focuses on cultural relations. Second, I am working on my manuscript, Passions and Policies: Poles and Poland in Western Diplomacy, 1914-21.
Sessional Instructor
I taught two third-year classes: "Rise of Nationalism in Europe" and "Diplomatic History 1793-1918"
Intern - Energy and Environment
Wrote reports, compiled information, and provided analysis for section-wide or embassy-wide use on relevant energy and environment issues in U.S. politics and media
Bachelor of Arts (B.A.)
History/Applied Studies, Co-op
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
History
Thesis title: 'British, French, and American attitudes and policies towards the rebirth of Poland, 1914-1921'; supervisor: Professor Margaret MacMillan.
Master of Philosophy (M.Phil.)
Modern European History
Co-teacher (teaching assistant)
Delivered two one-hour lectures to and participated in the discussions for the Continuing Education class ‘Beyond the Western Front: the First World War in other theatres’
Course Instructor
Instructor of a four-week upper-level undergraduate seminar on 'The Eastern Front of the First World War'
Co-teacher (teaching assistant)
Assisted in class discussions for ‘Culture, Politics and Identity in Cold War Europe, 1945-68’, a second-year undergraduate module in the History Faculty
Nations and Nationalism
One of the most important questions at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference was what to do about the newly re‐created state of Poland. The Paris peacemakers realised the importance of the settlement, thanks in part to dire warnings about Poland's future, and the leaders spent much time discussing the territorial settlement. Yet discussions of this important question regularly strayed from debates about policy to incorporate understandings of Polish national character. In particular, the leaders of the so‐called Big Three, Britain, France, and the United States, connected expert opinion and the broader political landscape to stereotyped understandings of national character, among other factors. With reference to scholarship on stereotyping, this article analyses how developing attitudes on Polish national character became integrated into the complex settlement of Poland's borders. The peacemakers' decisions, which were a compromise between different points of view, reflected interconnected understandings of the Polish settlement.
Nations and Nationalism
One of the most important questions at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference was what to do about the newly re‐created state of Poland. The Paris peacemakers realised the importance of the settlement, thanks in part to dire warnings about Poland's future, and the leaders spent much time discussing the territorial settlement. Yet discussions of this important question regularly strayed from debates about policy to incorporate understandings of Polish national character. In particular, the leaders of the so‐called Big Three, Britain, France, and the United States, connected expert opinion and the broader political landscape to stereotyped understandings of national character, among other factors. With reference to scholarship on stereotyping, this article analyses how developing attitudes on Polish national character became integrated into the complex settlement of Poland's borders. The peacemakers' decisions, which were a compromise between different points of view, reflected interconnected understandings of the Polish settlement.
The International History Review
Abstract: For a century, British policy towards Poland at the Paris Peace Conference has divided opinions. One common view among historians specializing in the topic is that British policy was not only unsupportive but ‘anti-Polish’. A minority takes the opposing view: British policy-makers may have differed with many of Poland’s claims to contested territories, but they were well-meaning and took Poland’s best interests to heart. At the core of the divergence are critical comments by many in the British delegation, notably Prime Minister David Lloyd George: that ‘Poles’ were emotional, ‘difficult’, and overreaching in their territorial claims. Such comments reveal that emotional content was integral to discussions of the Polish settlement. British delegates to the peace conference judged Poles and Poland in emotional terms and also expressed their feelings in connection with policy. Restoring the emotional content of Britain’s policy at the peace conference provides a new framework for understanding how intercultural contact at Paris shaped policy-makers’ discussions and contributes to recent explorations of the integral place of emotions in international history.
Nations and Nationalism
One of the most important questions at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference was what to do about the newly re‐created state of Poland. The Paris peacemakers realised the importance of the settlement, thanks in part to dire warnings about Poland's future, and the leaders spent much time discussing the territorial settlement. Yet discussions of this important question regularly strayed from debates about policy to incorporate understandings of Polish national character. In particular, the leaders of the so‐called Big Three, Britain, France, and the United States, connected expert opinion and the broader political landscape to stereotyped understandings of national character, among other factors. With reference to scholarship on stereotyping, this article analyses how developing attitudes on Polish national character became integrated into the complex settlement of Poland's borders. The peacemakers' decisions, which were a compromise between different points of view, reflected interconnected understandings of the Polish settlement.
The International History Review
Abstract: For a century, British policy towards Poland at the Paris Peace Conference has divided opinions. One common view among historians specializing in the topic is that British policy was not only unsupportive but ‘anti-Polish’. A minority takes the opposing view: British policy-makers may have differed with many of Poland’s claims to contested territories, but they were well-meaning and took Poland’s best interests to heart. At the core of the divergence are critical comments by many in the British delegation, notably Prime Minister David Lloyd George: that ‘Poles’ were emotional, ‘difficult’, and overreaching in their territorial claims. Such comments reveal that emotional content was integral to discussions of the Polish settlement. British delegates to the peace conference judged Poles and Poland in emotional terms and also expressed their feelings in connection with policy. Restoring the emotional content of Britain’s policy at the peace conference provides a new framework for understanding how intercultural contact at Paris shaped policy-makers’ discussions and contributes to recent explorations of the integral place of emotions in international history.